Ethiopia’s split voting at the United Nations Human Rights Council has triggered domestic backlash, exposing tensions between its historic pro-Palestinian stance and evolving strategic alignments.

At the UNHRC 61st session, Ethiopia voted “No” on resolution A/HRC/61/L.36 condemning Israeli settlements, joining only 2 other countries – the Czech Republic and North Macedonia – against 34 in favor and 10 abstentions.

At the same session, Addis Ababa backed resolution A/HRC/61/L.37 affirming Palestinian self-determination, causing further confusion. The divergence has drawn scrutiny, particularly as most African states supported the settlements resolution.

The vote sparked criticism among Ethiopians, many questioning a perceived break from the country’s anti-colonial legacy and support for anti-apartheid struggle.

Social media reactions also highlighted confusion over aligning with Israel “at a time the whole world is condemning Israel,” while others demanded official clarification.

Critics framed the move as inconsistent with Ethiopia’s historic identity as a symbol of resistance to colonial domination in Africa and elsewhere, and its historic support to Nelson Mandela in his struggle against Apartheid.

Some believe Ethiopia’s voting record on Palestine-related resolutions shows pattern. In December 2017, Ethiopia voted in favor of rejecting the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. By May 2021, it abstained during an emergency UNGA session on Gaza.

In December 2022, it supported Palestinian self-determination but abstained on an International Court of Justice request on Israel’s occupation.

In September 2025, it again abstained on the New York Accord, which passed 142–10 with 12 abstentions.

Some argue this pattern reflects a dual-track strategy of backing Palestinian statehood while avoiding positions that could strain ties with Israel and Western partners, which critics say is a compromise too costly for Ethiopia’s status in African socio politics.

Officials frame the approach as balancing ties. Ethiopia maintains security and technology cooperation with Israel while relying on Western aid and investment, particularly from the United States.

At the same time, as host of the African Union, it remains tied to continental support for Palestinian statehood.

Speculation in Ethiopian political circles has pointed to possible Gulf influence, particularly from the United Arab Emirates, in shaping Addis Ababa’s deviance from its historic diplomatic stance.

The UAE has become a key economic and security partner, and its deepening ties with Israel have shaped popular belief that Ethiopia’s UN voting may reflect alignment within this emerging regional axis.

This debate has been amplified by a recent Al Jazeera report that raised questions over whether Ethiopia could be part of a so-called “Hexagon” alliance – an informal network allegedly linking Israel with select states across the Red Sea and Horn of Africa.

While unconfirmed, the framework is described as focusing on security coordination and strategic positioning in a contested region. Within this context, Ethiopia’s vote is seen by some observers as part of a broader recalibration rather than an isolated shift.

At the same time, officials continue to signal support for a two-state solution, suggesting Addis Ababa is attempting to balance new partnerships without fully abandoning its traditional diplomatic posture.

Attacks on healthcare infrastructure in Sudan are intensifying, with drone strikes and ground assaults on hospitals signaling a widening pattern of targeting medical facilities amid an escalating conflict.

Doctors Without Borders (MSF) said the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) carried out 2 drone strikes on al-Jabalain Hospital in White Nile province on Thursday, hitting an operating theater and a maternity ward.

At least 10 people were killed, including 7 medical staff, and 19 others were injured. Patients were transferred to a hospital in Kosti, approximately 50 miles (80 km) away.

MSF said: “The attack is even more appalling as it occurred during a children’s immunization campaign.”

The strike disrupted both emergency care and routine services, compounding pressure on an already strained healthcare system.

A hospital staff member, Salah Moussa, described the sequence of events. “I rushed to the hospital when I heard the explosion… another drone strike was launched and I got hit and lost consciousness,” he told AP.

Sudan’s information minister Khalid Aleisir condemned the attack and called for designating the RSF a terrorist organization.

“We also hold regional backers directly responsible… including advanced weaponry and unmanned aerial systems,” he said.

The attack killed senior personnel, including the hospital’s general manager and administrative manager. Moussa said: “The hospital lost all its medical and administrative leadership in this attack.”

The first explosion occurred around 11 a.m., followed by a second strike as staff attempted to evacuate injured colleagues, indicating a double-strike pattern.

Sudan Doctors Network described the incident as a “deliberate assault on health facilities and unarmed civilians.”

Emergency Lawyers said additional strikes targeted a medical supply depot in Rabak, the capital of White Nile province, pointing to a broader effort affecting healthcare logistics.

In a separate incident, Sudan Doctors Network said RSF-affiliated forces stormed Family Hospital in El Daein, East Darfur, assaulting medical staff and destroying equipment.

The group said personnel were beaten and facilities damaged, calling it “a blatant violation of the sanctity of healthcare facilities.” It added that the attack occurred amid “a complete absence of any intervention from the responsible authorities.”

The incidents underscore a deepening pattern of attacks on healthcare infrastructure by UAE-backed RSF militia, further eroding Sudan’s fragile medical system and amplifying the humanitarian toll of the conflict.

Communal tensions and cycles of retaliation continue to drive instability in Nigeria’s Plateau State following a deadly attack that killed around 30 people.

Mobs formed across Jos on Wednesday, with an AFP reporter witnessing cars smashed, a tricycle set ablaze, and crowds fleeing. At least 2 bodies were seen in the street, though the identities of those involved remain unclear.

The unrest followed a weekend attack in Anguwan Rukuba, a neighborhood popular with university students, where about 30 people were killed.

Amnesty International Nigeria warned that insecurity is deepening. “People are increasingly feeling unsafe and constantly on the edge,” it said, referencing a mass burial held for victims of the Palm Sunday killings.

The group urged authorities to ensure protection and conduct “thorough, independent and impartial investigations,” adding that failures to prosecute perpetrators are “emboldening impunity.”

Security forces moved through Jos on Wednesday, firing into the air to disperse crowds. A curfew imposed on Monday and Tuesday had briefly reduced the risk of reprisals.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu postponed a planned trip to Ogun State to focus on the crisis, expressing “deep sorrow” and reaffirming commitments to bring perpetrators to justice and strengthen security responses.

Nigeria’s Senate has ordered an immediate investigation into the Jos North attack and dispatched a delegation led by Senate President Godswill Akpabio to affected communities.

Lawmakers are pressing for urgent reforms as violence resurges in Plateau State, where Amnesty data shows at least 1,336 people were killed between December 2023 and February 2024, including 533 women, 263 children and 540 men, with 29,554 displaced.

Jos has a history of sectarian violence tied to disputes over land, identity, and political representation. While many communities coexist peacefully, tensions between farmers and herders and disputes over who is considered “indigenous” continue to fuel periodic unrest.