African and Caribbean nations endorsed a 19-point reparations plan in Ghana’s capital, calling for formal apologies from countries that benefited from transatlantic slavery, comprehensive debt relief, and the creation of a Global Reparations Fund.

The plan was adopted jointly by the African Union and the Caribbean Community’s Commission on Reparatory Justice at the close of a 3-day conference in the West African country.

The Accra conference, billed as “Next Steps,” was the first major gathering on reparatory justice since the UN General Assembly passed a Ghana-sponsored resolution in March recognizing the transatlantic slave trade as the gravest crime against humanity.

While the UN resolution passed with 123 votes in favour, the United States, Israel and Argentina voted against it, 52 countries, including the UK and all EU member states, abstained.

“None of us gathered in this hall today can be held personally responsible for the atrocities of the transatlantic slave trade,” Ghana’s President John Dramani Mahama told delegates.

“History does not ask us to inherit guilt, but it asks us to inherit responsibility.”

At least 12.5 million Africans were kidnapped and forcibly transported by European ships between the 15th and 19th centuries, a period spanning roughly 400 years.

A Plan, Not Just a Declaration

The 19-point plan goes significantly beyond symbolic recognition.

It calls for the establishment of a Global Reparations Fund, comprehensive debt cancellation for affected nations, and reforms to international financial institutions to ensure fairer representation for Global South countries.

It also demands the restitution of looted cultural property and ancestral remains, climate justice financing, and specific measures to address brutalities inflicted on African women and girls during slavery.

The document will be presented at the next UN General Assembly, with the African Union and CARICOM having merged previously separate frameworks into a single unified push.

Momentum Beyond Africa

Heads of state from Namibia, Liberia, Senegal, Barbados and Sao Tome and Principe attended the conference in person, alongside representatives from more than 80 countries including the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the Congressional Black Caucus and the NAACP.

French President Emmanuel Macron addressed the conference via video from the Elysee Palace.

Macron said enslaved people “were torn from their homelands, deported, dehumanised, and treated as goods,” while cautioning that reparations should not be seen “as an end point, or a cheque written to bring the story to a close.”

French lawmakers also voted only last month, to formally repeal slavery-era laws that had defined enslaved people as “movable property,” though they stopped short of including financial reparations in the legislation.

Also last month, Pope Leo XIV made a historic apology for the Vatican’s role in legitimising slavery and its delay in condemning the practice.

Ethiopia’s split voting at the United Nations Human Rights Council has triggered domestic backlash, exposing tensions between its historic pro-Palestinian stance and evolving strategic alignments.

At the UNHRC 61st session, Ethiopia voted “No” on resolution A/HRC/61/L.36 condemning Israeli settlements, joining only 2 other countries – the Czech Republic and North Macedonia – against 34 in favor and 10 abstentions.

At the same session, Addis Ababa backed resolution A/HRC/61/L.37 affirming Palestinian self-determination, causing further confusion. The divergence has drawn scrutiny, particularly as most African states supported the settlements resolution.

The vote sparked criticism among Ethiopians, many questioning a perceived break from the country’s anti-colonial legacy and support for anti-apartheid struggle.

Social media reactions also highlighted confusion over aligning with Israel “at a time the whole world is condemning Israel,” while others demanded official clarification.

Critics framed the move as inconsistent with Ethiopia’s historic identity as a symbol of resistance to colonial domination in Africa and elsewhere, and its historic support to Nelson Mandela in his struggle against Apartheid.

Some believe Ethiopia’s voting record on Palestine-related resolutions shows pattern. In December 2017, Ethiopia voted in favor of rejecting the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. By May 2021, it abstained during an emergency UNGA session on Gaza.

In December 2022, it supported Palestinian self-determination but abstained on an International Court of Justice request on Israel’s occupation.

In September 2025, it again abstained on the New York Accord, which passed 142–10 with 12 abstentions.

Some argue this pattern reflects a dual-track strategy of backing Palestinian statehood while avoiding positions that could strain ties with Israel and Western partners, which critics say is a compromise too costly for Ethiopia’s status in African socio politics.

Officials frame the approach as balancing ties. Ethiopia maintains security and technology cooperation with Israel while relying on Western aid and investment, particularly from the United States.

At the same time, as host of the African Union, it remains tied to continental support for Palestinian statehood.

Speculation in Ethiopian political circles has pointed to possible Gulf influence, particularly from the United Arab Emirates, in shaping Addis Ababa’s deviance from its historic diplomatic stance.

The UAE has become a key economic and security partner, and its deepening ties with Israel have shaped popular belief that Ethiopia’s UN voting may reflect alignment within this emerging regional axis.

This debate has been amplified by a recent Al Jazeera report that raised questions over whether Ethiopia could be part of a so-called “Hexagon” alliance – an informal network allegedly linking Israel with select states across the Red Sea and Horn of Africa.

While unconfirmed, the framework is described as focusing on security coordination and strategic positioning in a contested region. Within this context, Ethiopia’s vote is seen by some observers as part of a broader recalibration rather than an isolated shift.

At the same time, officials continue to signal support for a two-state solution, suggesting Addis Ababa is attempting to balance new partnerships without fully abandoning its traditional diplomatic posture.

Burkina Faso’s military leadership has moved further away from its stated democratic transition, with leader Ibrahim Traore openly rejecting democratic governance while consolidating control amid worsening insecurity.

Speaking on state television Thursday, Traore said: “People need to forget about the issue of democracy… democracy isn’t for us.”

He added: “Democracy kills” and “Democracy is slavery,” citing Libya as an example of failed externally imposed governance models.

The remarks mark a sharp departure from earlier commitments to restore civilian rule following the September 2022 coup.

The junta has dismantled key political structures. In January, more than 100 political parties were dissolved and their assets seized.

Parliament had already been suspended, while the Independent National Electoral Commission was scrapped in July 2025 on cost grounds.

Elections initially promised for 2024 were postponed, with authorities stating voting cannot occur until the entire country is secured.

Traore justified the shift as necessary to confront armed terror groups linked to Daesh. However, violence has intensified rather than receded. Fatalities have tripled since his takeover, reaching 17,775 by May, compared with 6,630 deaths in the preceding 3 years, according to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies.

Hundreds of thousands have been displaced as armed groups expand territorial control.

Burkina Faso has aligned with neighboring military governments in Mali and Niger, which have taken similar steps against political parties.

All 3 countries exited ECOWAS in January to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

They have also pivoted toward Russian paramilitary support after expelling approximately 5,000 French troops previously deployed in the region.

Critics point to growing pressure on institutions. Journalists, opposition figures, and legal professionals have been forcibly conscripted and sent to front lines in recent months.

Some were later released, but the measures have raised concerns about the erosion of civil and legal protections.