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Saudi Crown Prince Sends Letter to UAE Over Yemen and Sudan

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Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has sent a lengthy letter to the United Arab Emirates’ national security advisor Tahnoon bin Zayed, outlining Riyadh’s grievances over Abu Dhabi’s actions in Sudan and Yemen while seeking mediation through senior Saudi officials.

Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, long seen as close Gulf allies, are facing growing tensions after Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman formally raised complaints over Sudan and Yemen in a detailed letter addressed to UAE National Security Advisor Tahnoon bin Zayed.

Riyadh’s Complaints Over Sudan and Yemen

According to US and Western officials familiar with the matter, the letter — sent several weeks ago — presented an extensive list of Saudi concerns regarding Emirati policies. It stated that Riyadh could no longer “tolerate” Sudan’s civil war while accusing the UAE of supporting the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

The correspondence also defended Saudi Arabia’s military intervention in Yemen, describing it as essential for the kingdom’s national security. The letter reaffirmed that Riyadh considers Yemen its sphere of influence and intends to take “responsibility” for stabilising the war-torn country along its southern border.

Tensions escalated in December when Saudi Arabia targeted Emirati-backed secessionist forces in southern Yemen. Riyadh bombed what it described as an Emirati weapons shipment at the port of Mukalla and subsequently provided air support and intelligence to Yemen’s internationally recognised government in efforts to push out the Southern Transitional Council (STC).

A “Red Line” and Covert Operations

In the letter, the crown prince reportedly described the UAE’s decision to send military aid to the STC without Saudi approval as a “red line.” The correspondence further criticised Abu Dhabi for orchestrating a covert operation in early January to extract former STC leader Aidarous al-Zubaidi from Yemen after he faced high treason charges.

The letter also expressed shock at what Saudi officials viewed as Emirati suspicions that Riyadh had encouraged Washington to impose sanctions on the UAE. US officials assessed that the unsigned document originated from Mohammed bin Salman, and Saudi Arabia shared the contents with the United States.

Washington’s Quiet Mediation Role

The Trump administration has remained largely restrained in public comments about the dispute between its two Gulf allies. However, President Donald Trump acknowledged for the first time this week that a rift exists, telling reporters: “They do indeed have a rift,” and suggesting he could “get it settled very easily.”

Western officials indicated that the letter appeared crafted with Washington in mind, detailing Saudi grievances while emphasising “brotherly ties” between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi. When approached about possible behind-the-scenes US mediation, the UAE reportedly showed little enthusiasm.

The letter proposed mediation through Saudi Defence Minister Khalid bin Salman, the crown prince’s brother and close adviser — underscoring that efforts to resolve the dispute may unfold at the highest familial levels on both sides.

Spotlight on Tahnoon bin Zayed

The episode highlights the central role of Tahnoon bin Zayed in Emirati foreign and security policy. As national security advisor and a key member of the “Bani Fatima” — sons of UAE founder Zayed bin Sultan al-Nahyan — Tahnoon wields significant influence. He oversees roughly $1 trillion in Abu Dhabi sovereign wealth assets and frequently conducts shuttle diplomacy on behalf of UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed.

US and Arab officials describe Tahnoon as more pragmatic than his brother, noting his leadership in restoring ties with Qatar following the 2017 Gulf blockade. Nevertheless, the latest exchange suggests that managing Saudi-Emirati tensions will require delicate diplomacy within ruling circles on both sides.

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Middle East

Bennett Turns Up The Heat On Netanyahu As Elections Loom

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Former Israeli PM Naftali Bennett criticized Netanyahu’s war strategy, outlining faster high-intensity alternatives for Gaza and Iran. His criticizm of Netenyahu intensifies as elections are due by October 2026.

Former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett criticized Netanyahu’s handling of Israel’s wars and his incapability to rein in far-right minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

He positioned himself as a sharper, faster alternative ahead of elections due by October 27, 2026.

Ben-Gvir Is Hurting Israel

Bennett said it is costly for Netanyahu’s coalition to depend on National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

“Israel’s international standing is so bad. It’s shocking, largely because of failures and statements made by government ministers,” he said.

“Netanyahu knows that Ben-Gvir’s repeated stunts are enormously harmful to Israel. They damage our standing in the United States and undermine Trump’s ability to help us. But Netanyahu is incapable of putting Ben-Gvir in his place because he depends on him.”

He reminded an earlier remark regarding nuking Gaza: “When you have a minister who stupidly says, ‘We’re going to nuke Gaza,’ you pay a huge, huge international price with zero benefit,”

“And your credit pool empties, and then by the time you actually need it for material, for serious stuff, you’ve run out of credit.”

Bennett Rejected a Palestinian Consulate In East Jarusalem

Bennett examplifying his stance on the face of ally pressure, said “Biden pressured Netanyahu to agree to the establishment of an American consulate for Palestinians in East Jerusalem. Netanyahu had agreed in principle to establish it.”

“Then I entered office, and Biden told me: ‘I demand that you establish the consulate.’”

“And I told him: ‘Mr. President, Jerusalem is the capital of only one state – the State of Israel. I must refuse.'”

A Strategy of “Siege” Is More Effective For Gaza

Bennett outlined an alternative tactical framework for Gaza based on isolation and siege rather than sustained urban warfare.

“We would isolate areas, apply a full siege on those areas and let the citizens out and trap the terrorists,” Bennett said.

Bennett also offered a striking observation on Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar’s decision to launch the October 7 attacks.

“Do you know what Sinwar’s greatest strategic mistake was? That he attacked. Because we were on the path to self-destruction.”

A Game on Iran Already Started With Mossad

On Iran, Bennett described a multi-layered strategy he said he had already begun putting in motion during his time in office:

“We need to embark on a multi-year, long-term strategy of accelerating the collapse of the regime – not only through kinetic action while ensuring they don’t achieve a nuclear weapon before,” he said.

“The actions that I had begun with the Mossad and other groups are about 30 different actions. Not only bombing. I’m talking about economic actions. I’m talking about cyber, overt, covert.”

Bennett has previously described himself as Iran’s “worst nightmare” if returned to power.

His Together alliance, nationalist in orientation but secular and more moderate in style than Netanyahu’s current far-right coalition partners, aims to peel away right-leaning voters frustrated with Netanyahu’s legal troubles, the judicial reform crisis, and what Bennett calls governance failures since October 7.

Bennett founded a new party in 2025 called Bennett 2026, and allied with centrist Yair Lapid of Yesh Atid to form a joint list called Together (Beyachad), which Bennett leads.

The alliance has polled in double digits for Knesset seats and is considered one of the most significant electoral threats to Netanyahu’s Likud-led coalition.

Bennett previously ousted Netanyahu once, in 2021.

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Middle East

Iran Formed Secret Iraqi Cells to Strike Gulf Nations: Report

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Iran’s Revolutionary Guards have established secretive new cells in Iraq to conduct drone attacks against Gulf countries hosting American forces, bypassing established proxy networks to maintain operational secrecy and avoid detection.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has established secretive new cells in Iraq to execute attacks against Gulf countries hosting American forces.

The strategy intentionally bypasses established militia networks to avoid detection, according to eight Iraqi sources who told Reuters.

The covert network comprises three or four elite cells, each containing approximately 10 Iraqi Shi’ite fighters.

These units launched at least seven drone attacks from desert locations near Basra and Samawa against targets in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates between April 20 and May 17.

Tactical Shift Under Economic Strain

The formation of these directly controlled units represents a significant shift in Iranian tactical operations.

The strategy aims to preserve Tehran’s regional force projection at a time when its traditional proxy network is diminished and its economic resources are depleted.

While some members were selected from the Islamic Resistance in Iraq umbrella group, these new cells operate entirely outside its command structure.

The units report directly to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The development follows signals from established Iraqi Shi’ite factions that they intend to disarm and transition into domestic politics.

This shift is intended to prevent direct conflict with the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump.

Regional Deniability and Plausible Cover

Operating smaller, highly radicalized cadres allows Tehran to maintain plausible deniability.

The arrangement insulates major Iran-backed political groups in Baghdad from Western retaliation and reduces U.S. pressure on the Iraqi government to disband them.

The newer groups operate under unfamiliar names with minimal public profiles.

They prioritize strict ideological loyalty and low operational footprints over mass recruitment.

The U.S. State Department has reiterated expectations that the Iraqi government dismantle all instruments of Iranian activity on its soil.

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi and U.S. Envoy Tom Barrack recently discussed comprehensive disarmament plans for groups operating outside state control.

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Middle East

Strait of Hormuz Transit Fees Waived for 60-Day Period, PGSA Confirms

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The Persian Gulf Strait Authority has confirmed that all security, safety, and environmental service fees for vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz will be waived, but strictly within a specified 60-day period following the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding.

The Persian Gulf Strait Authority (PGSA) confirmed Friday that vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz will not be charged fees, though the waiver is strictly limited to an announced 60-day period.

The temporary financial relief follows the signing of the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding and subsequent instructions from relevant authorities.

Fees After 60 Days?

During this designated 60-day window, the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran will also provide related insurance coverage for transiting vessels.

The suspension of service fees applies strictly to the specified timeframe, after which standard regulations are expected to resume.

Pre-Transit Mandates

To avoid operational delays at the strategic waterway’s entrance or exit, the authority has instituted mandatory pre-transit requirements.

Vessels must submit a formal transit request through official channels at least 48 hours prior to arriving in the strait area.

The application must include all required information, specifically vessel contact details and the exact route.

Safety Coordination Protocols

The PGSA cited special conditions and certain safety risks along the transit route as the basis for tightened oversight.

To ensure safe navigation and prevent maritime incidents, every vessel is required to coordinate its route and transit timing before entering the area.

The authority noted that failure to comply with these coordination and filing protocols remains the vessel owner’s sole responsibility.

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