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Yemen Separatists Unveil Constitution for Southern State

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Yemen’s Southern Transitional Council announced a constitution for an independent southern state on Friday, as Saudi airstrikes hit STC positions in Hadramout and the UAE confirmed a full troop withdrawal, deepening fractures inside the Saudi-led coalition.

The Southern Transitional Council’s announcement of a provisional constitution marks the clearest institutional step yet toward southern secession in Yemen. Issued on Friday, the 30-article document frames itself as the legal foundation of a new entity, the “State of South Arabia,” reviving the borders of the former People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen that existed from 1967 to 1990. STC leader Aidarous al-Zubaidi said the charter would apply for two years, after which a referendum would be held on “exercising the right to self-determination for the people of the South.” He warned that if rival factions rejected dialogue or resorted to force, “all options remain open.” The declaration comes after STC-linked forces seized two southern provinces last month and took over the presidential palace in Aden, forcing members of the internationally recognised government to relocate to Riyadh.

“This Is Not a Declaration of War”

The political move unfolded alongside fresh military pressure. On Friday, Saudi warplanes struck camps and military positions held by STC forces in Hadramout province as Saudi-backed units attempted to retake the facilities. Ahmed bin Breik, a senior STC official and former Hadramout governor, said Saudi aircraft intervened after separatist forces refused to withdraw. STC spokesperson Mohamed al-Nakib said the strikes caused fatalities, without specifying numbers. Salem al-Khanbashi, the Hadramout governor appointed the same day by the internationally recognised government to command coalition forces in the province, sought to limit escalation. “This is not a declaration of war and is not seeking an escalation,” he said on Yemen TV, describing the operation as a pre-emptive effort to remove weapons and restore order.

Coalition Strains and Gulf Rivalry

The confrontation highlights the widening rift between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, once aligned as the twin pillars of the Saudi-led coalition formed in 2015 to fight Iranian-backed Houthi forces controlling northern Yemen. While Riyadh backs the internationally recognised government, Abu Dhabi has supported the STC as a dominant security actor in the south. The UAE’s Foreign Ministry said on Friday it was handling the crisis with “restraint, coordination, and a deliberate commitment to de-escalation.” Early Saturday, the UAE Defence Ministry announced that its withdrawal of troops from Yemen was complete, citing the conclusion of remaining counterterrorism missions. No figures were given, though multiple Emirati military cargo flights had been observed in recent days. The withdrawal follows weeks of Saudi strikes on STC positions and an earlier Saudi-backed call for UAE forces to leave within 24 hours.

Airspace, Authority, and Escalation Control

The political and military clash has spilled into civilian infrastructure. Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to Yemen, Mohammed al-Jaber, said the STC leader had blocked a Saudi delegation’s aircraft from landing in Aden, despite prior coordination. Yemen’s STC-aligned Transport Ministry countered that Riyadh imposed new requirements forcing flights to undergo inspections in Jeddah, effectively disrupting traffic. Aden International Airport, the main gateway for areas outside Houthi control, saw flights halted, including routes to the UAE. As Saudi-backed National Shield Forces advanced on STC-held camps in Hadramout and Mahra, the separatists refused to hand over weapons or facilities. The constitution announcement, military strikes, and airspace dispute together underscore how Yemen’s internal fractures are now directly testing the cohesion and command structure of the broader Gulf-backed coalition.

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Middle East

Bennett Turns Up The Heat On Netanyahu As Elections Loom

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Former Israeli PM Naftali Bennett criticized Netanyahu’s war strategy, outlining faster high-intensity alternatives for Gaza and Iran. His criticizm of Netenyahu intensifies as elections are due by October 2026.

Former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett criticized Netanyahu’s handling of Israel’s wars and his incapability to rein in far-right minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

He positioned himself as a sharper, faster alternative ahead of elections due by October 27, 2026.

Ben-Gvir Is Hurting Israel

Bennett said it is costly for Netanyahu’s coalition to depend on National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

“Israel’s international standing is so bad. It’s shocking, largely because of failures and statements made by government ministers,” he said.

“Netanyahu knows that Ben-Gvir’s repeated stunts are enormously harmful to Israel. They damage our standing in the United States and undermine Trump’s ability to help us. But Netanyahu is incapable of putting Ben-Gvir in his place because he depends on him.”

He reminded an earlier remark regarding nuking Gaza: “When you have a minister who stupidly says, ‘We’re going to nuke Gaza,’ you pay a huge, huge international price with zero benefit,”

“And your credit pool empties, and then by the time you actually need it for material, for serious stuff, you’ve run out of credit.”

Bennett Rejected a Palestinian Consulate In East Jarusalem

Bennett examplifying his stance on the face of ally pressure, said “Biden pressured Netanyahu to agree to the establishment of an American consulate for Palestinians in East Jerusalem. Netanyahu had agreed in principle to establish it.”

“Then I entered office, and Biden told me: ‘I demand that you establish the consulate.’”

“And I told him: ‘Mr. President, Jerusalem is the capital of only one state – the State of Israel. I must refuse.'”

A Strategy of “Siege” Is More Effective For Gaza

Bennett outlined an alternative tactical framework for Gaza based on isolation and siege rather than sustained urban warfare.

“We would isolate areas, apply a full siege on those areas and let the citizens out and trap the terrorists,” Bennett said.

Bennett also offered a striking observation on Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar’s decision to launch the October 7 attacks.

“Do you know what Sinwar’s greatest strategic mistake was? That he attacked. Because we were on the path to self-destruction.”

A Game on Iran Already Started With Mossad

On Iran, Bennett described a multi-layered strategy he said he had already begun putting in motion during his time in office:

“We need to embark on a multi-year, long-term strategy of accelerating the collapse of the regime – not only through kinetic action while ensuring they don’t achieve a nuclear weapon before,” he said.

“The actions that I had begun with the Mossad and other groups are about 30 different actions. Not only bombing. I’m talking about economic actions. I’m talking about cyber, overt, covert.”

Bennett has previously described himself as Iran’s “worst nightmare” if returned to power.

His Together alliance, nationalist in orientation but secular and more moderate in style than Netanyahu’s current far-right coalition partners, aims to peel away right-leaning voters frustrated with Netanyahu’s legal troubles, the judicial reform crisis, and what Bennett calls governance failures since October 7.

Bennett founded a new party in 2025 called Bennett 2026, and allied with centrist Yair Lapid of Yesh Atid to form a joint list called Together (Beyachad), which Bennett leads.

The alliance has polled in double digits for Knesset seats and is considered one of the most significant electoral threats to Netanyahu’s Likud-led coalition.

Bennett previously ousted Netanyahu once, in 2021.

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Middle East

Iran Formed Secret Iraqi Cells to Strike Gulf Nations: Report

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Iran’s Revolutionary Guards have established secretive new cells in Iraq to conduct drone attacks against Gulf countries hosting American forces, bypassing established proxy networks to maintain operational secrecy and avoid detection.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has established secretive new cells in Iraq to execute attacks against Gulf countries hosting American forces.

The strategy intentionally bypasses established militia networks to avoid detection, according to eight Iraqi sources who told Reuters.

The covert network comprises three or four elite cells, each containing approximately 10 Iraqi Shi’ite fighters.

These units launched at least seven drone attacks from desert locations near Basra and Samawa against targets in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates between April 20 and May 17.

Tactical Shift Under Economic Strain

The formation of these directly controlled units represents a significant shift in Iranian tactical operations.

The strategy aims to preserve Tehran’s regional force projection at a time when its traditional proxy network is diminished and its economic resources are depleted.

While some members were selected from the Islamic Resistance in Iraq umbrella group, these new cells operate entirely outside its command structure.

The units report directly to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The development follows signals from established Iraqi Shi’ite factions that they intend to disarm and transition into domestic politics.

This shift is intended to prevent direct conflict with the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump.

Regional Deniability and Plausible Cover

Operating smaller, highly radicalized cadres allows Tehran to maintain plausible deniability.

The arrangement insulates major Iran-backed political groups in Baghdad from Western retaliation and reduces U.S. pressure on the Iraqi government to disband them.

The newer groups operate under unfamiliar names with minimal public profiles.

They prioritize strict ideological loyalty and low operational footprints over mass recruitment.

The U.S. State Department has reiterated expectations that the Iraqi government dismantle all instruments of Iranian activity on its soil.

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi and U.S. Envoy Tom Barrack recently discussed comprehensive disarmament plans for groups operating outside state control.

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Strait of Hormuz Transit Fees Waived for 60-Day Period, PGSA Confirms

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The Persian Gulf Strait Authority has confirmed that all security, safety, and environmental service fees for vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz will be waived, but strictly within a specified 60-day period following the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding.

The Persian Gulf Strait Authority (PGSA) confirmed Friday that vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz will not be charged fees, though the waiver is strictly limited to an announced 60-day period.

The temporary financial relief follows the signing of the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding and subsequent instructions from relevant authorities.

Fees After 60 Days?

During this designated 60-day window, the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran will also provide related insurance coverage for transiting vessels.

The suspension of service fees applies strictly to the specified timeframe, after which standard regulations are expected to resume.

Pre-Transit Mandates

To avoid operational delays at the strategic waterway’s entrance or exit, the authority has instituted mandatory pre-transit requirements.

Vessels must submit a formal transit request through official channels at least 48 hours prior to arriving in the strait area.

The application must include all required information, specifically vessel contact details and the exact route.

Safety Coordination Protocols

The PGSA cited special conditions and certain safety risks along the transit route as the basis for tightened oversight.

To ensure safe navigation and prevent maritime incidents, every vessel is required to coordinate its route and transit timing before entering the area.

The authority noted that failure to comply with these coordination and filing protocols remains the vessel owner’s sole responsibility.

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